To begin, could you briefly introduce yourself for our readers?
My name is Kristina Kallas, and I am the Minister of Education and Research of Estonia. My professional background is in academia: I am a political scientist and have taught and worked at the University of Tartu for more than 20 years. My research has focused primarily on interethnic relations, ethnopolitics and nationalism, as well as minority rights in education and citizenship, particularly concerning Russian-speaking minorities outside the Russian Federation.
Estonia is often praised for its high-performing education system. Your PISA scores in mathematics, reading, and science are well above the OECD average. What is your success formula, and what can other countries learn from Estonia?
The Estonian education system places a very strong emphasis on basic skills, mathematics, reading and science. This focus has existed for centuries and remains central today.
Other skills are, of course, important as well, such as communication, social skills and teamwork. But without solid foundations, these cannot develop properly. If a 15- or 16-year-old cannot calculate percentages, multiply large numbers or measure square metres, they lack basic mathematical competence. In everyday life, this becomes a real problem. A construction worker, for instance, must measure accurately, metre by metre. If schools fail to teach these fundamentals, the system has failed its students.
PISA data show that in many European countries around 30 percent of students do not reach even basic levels in mathematics. PISA defines six proficiency levels; level two represents basic competence. If students do not reach that level by the age of 15, the education system has not done its job.
In Estonia, we maintain ambitious curricula and expect students to work hard. School is work. It requires effort, includes stress, exams and grades. The mentality is simple: aim high and work hard.
Preschool education is another crucial factor, particularly access to and participation in early childhood education. Teacher autonomy is equally important. Teachers must be trusted to make pedagogical decisions, whether to use digital tools or paper and pen, how to organise teamwork, or how to structure lessons. Politicians should not dictate teaching methods. Teachers understand what works for six-year-olds and what works for sixteen-year-olds. My advice to any education minister is straightforward: listen to your teachers and trust them.
Digitalisation also plays an important role. While traditional skills remain essential, education systems must stay open to innovation. Society is changing, and schools cannot be disconnected from real life. Estonia, for example, is not joining initiatives to ban mobile phones in schools. We believe that learning how to use smartphones, social media, data and the internet responsibly is itself a vital skill. Ignoring these tools would leave students unprepared for life beyond school.
Since 2018 there has been a dip in maths and reading, and science has been flat. Estonia still performs very strongly, but where do you think this trend comes from, and what are the consequences?
Inequality in European education systems is increasing. Performance gaps are widening along socioeconomic lines and, unfortunately, also between native students and students with an immigrant background. Native students tend to perform better, while immigrant students are increasingly falling behind.
In the past, education systems functioned as a social elevator, helping to level opportunities. This is no longer the case. With each new data point, inequality grows. Education systems have not sufficiently supported immigrant children in catching up with their peers.
The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these differences. When learning shifted into homes, disparities in home environments became obvious. Immigrant children often lacked resources and support, while many native students did not. This significantly contributed to declining outcomes.
We must be cautious about increasing socioeconomic segregation. While I strongly believe in individual choice and performance, education is an area where strong school selection mechanisms can be harmful. If schools select students, some will choose only the strongest performers, often native students, leaving other schools with more socioeconomically disadvantaged children, frequently from immigrant backgrounds. This deepens segregation and widens inequality.
In Estonia, school choice is limited. Schools are assigned based on residence, ensuring socioeconomically mixed classrooms.
One significant form of segregation that still exists is linguistic. Russian-language schools have historically performed worse than Estonian-language schools, with PISA data showing roughly a one-year learning gap.
Is this linked to the reform towards Estonian language instruction?
Yes. We are moving Russian schools into Estonian as the language of instruction so that there will no longer be a difference between Estonian schools and Russian schools. Children will go to their nearest school and study there. If they do not speak Estonian, they need extra support, and the school must provide it. We do not want to place them into separate schools simply because they do not yet speak the language.
Turning to security, Estonia sits on the northeastern frontier of NATO, and the Suwalki Gap is often mentioned as a vulnerability. How would you characterise the current security environment in Estonia and the Baltic region, and how are NATO partners reacting?
The Suwalki Gap used to be a key military concern because it was the narrow stretch between Poland and Lithuania, roughly 100 kilometres, through which support could reach the Baltic states in a crisis.
The situation has changed. With Finland and Sweden joining NATO, the Baltic Sea has effectively become a NATO sea. All countries around the Baltic Sea are now NATO members. The Suwalki Gap is therefore less crucial than it was.
Countries in the Baltic Sea region are increasing military spending and defence capacity very quickly and significantly, including Finland and Sweden. The region is much more ready to defend and deter Russia than it was before Finland and Sweden joined.
So you are optimistic about deterrence?
I would not call it optimism. It is about recognising that we have taken steps to strengthen deterrence.
This is not about provoking Russia. Ukraine did not provoke Russia. What drives this is Russia’s geopolitical strategy and how Russia sees the world. Russia acts as if power gives the right to take what you want. It does not respect the sovereignty of countries around it. From that perspective, the Baltic states, Poland and Finland are treated as if they should not be fully sovereign, as if Russia should decide whether they can join the EU or NATO, who they trade with, what governments they have, and who leads them.
This mindset is not something NATO or Estonia can change. What we can do is deter Russia from any idea of attacking.
Do you feel Western partners such as Germany and other NATO allies are reacting adequately to Russia’s war in Ukraine?
For a long time, the reaction was not adequate. Now, it is slowly improving. In parts of Central and Southern Europe, there is still work to do to help people understand what is at stake.
Sometimes I have debates with colleagues who suggest we should simply agree with Russia, as if Russia wants to be part of Europe. But agree on what, exactly, with someone who does not share your values? Russia is not primarily interested in a specific piece of land. It is interested in control over countries and territories around Russia, and potentially influence over Europe in a way that suits Russia, not the existing European understanding of the international order.
We still need to wake up to the reality that this is not only about whether Crimea belongs to Ukraine. That is a consequence. The central issue is whether Ukraine has the right to exist as Ukraine, and whether Ukraine has the right to decide its own path, including joining the European Union. Russia rejects that and claims Ukraine does not exist as a nation and is historically Russian territory.
It can sound surreal because it is not how we think. But that is how they think.
Russia is also active with cyber attacks and disinformation. How do you deal with attempts to shape public opinion in the Baltic region?
The Baltic populations are resilient against Russian propaganda. There is a historical awareness that information coming from Russia cannot be trusted.
We are often more worried about other European countries. For example, the way Russian money can support pro-Russian candidates in elections, through social media campaigns, influence operations and algorithmic amplification, is deeply concerning. The goal is to elect leaders who are more willing to agree with Russia than to stand with countries such as Estonia, Latvia or Poland.
From an education perspective, do younger generations need stronger skills to defend themselves against disinformation and cyber threats?
Yes. They need critical thinking skills. People must ask: what is the source, who said this, what is the argument based on, and what is the original evidence. These critical thinking skills are necessary not only for young people, but for everyone. In today’s world, they are fundamental.
One final education question. You are associated with the AI Leap initiative. How do you plan to implement AI in schools, and what advantages and risks do you see?
We want AI to be used in schools for learning, particularly in upper secondary education, for example grades 10 and 11. We want students to use AI as an assistant that strengthens learning skills and enhances the capacity to think, analyse and reason critically. Students must be able to evaluate ethical and moral questions, detect bias and identify false information, and AI can support that.
AI creates evolutionary pressure. Either we develop stronger analytical and discerning capabilities, or we risk humans degrading cognitively while machines become more capable. Estonia wants to be at the forefront of building the skills the next generation needs. Students should understand what AI is, how it operates, what is behind it, and then develop higher-level cognitive skills in school. That is why they should start using AI in the learning process.
